Dedicated Life

Published By : Admin | May 23, 2014 | 15:09 IST

Most teenagers at the age of 17 think about their careers and try to enjoy the last remnants of childhood, but for Narendra Modi at that age things were very different. At 17, he made an extraordinary decision, which changed the course of his life. He decided to leave home and travel across India.

His family was shocked but they accepted Narendra’s wish to leave the confines of his small town life. When the day finally dawned for him to leave, his mother prepared a sweet dish that is cooked on special occasions and applied the customary ‘tilak’ (a mark on the forehead).

Among the places that he traveled to includedthe Himalayas (where he stayed at Garudachatti), Ramkrishna Ashram in West Bengal and even the Northeast. These travels left a lasting impression on the youngster. He travelled across the expansive landscape of India exploring the various cultures in various parts of the country. It was also a time of spiritual awakening for him that connected him further to a man he always admired- Swami Vivekananda.

The ActivistNarendra Modi’s Childhood

The RSS Calls

Narendra came back two years later, but stayed home only for two weeks. This time his destination was fixed and the mission was also clear- he was going to Ahmedabad, determined to work with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Set up in 1925, the RSS is a socio-cultural organisation working towards the economic, social and cultural regeneration of India.

The Activist

His first brush with the RSS was at the tender age of eight when he would attend the local youth meetings of the RSS after a day’s work at the family tea stall. The reason for attending such meetings was far from political. It was here that he met one of the strongest influences on his life, Laxmanrao Inamdar also known as ‘Vakil Saheb.’

The Activist

Narendra Modi during RSS Days

The Road to Ahmedabad and Beyond

With this background, an almost 20-year-old Narendra arrived in Gujarat’s largest city Ahmedabad. He became a regular member of the RSS and his dedication and organisation skills impressed Vakil Saheb and others. In 1972 he became a Pracharak, giving his full time to the RSS. He shared his accommodation with other Pracharaks and followed a rigorous daily routine. The day began at 5:00 am and went on till late night. In the midst of such a hectic routine Narendra completed a degree in political science. He always valued education and learning.

As a Pracharak he had to travel all over Gujarat. Sometime between 1972 and 1973 he stayed at the Santram Mandir in Nadiad, which is a part of Kheda district. In 1973 Narendra Modi was given responsibility of working for a massive summit organised in Siddhpur where he met top leaders of the Sangh.

The Activist

The atmosphere in Gujarat as well as India was very volatile when Narendra Modi was cutting his teeth as an activist. When he reached Ahmedabad, the city was reeling under one of the worst instances of communal rioting. In the rest of the nation too, the Congress Party, which had already suffered reverses in the 1967 Lok Sabha Elections had spilt between the faction of Mrs Indira Gandhi and the erstwhile syndicate, whose leaders included Morarji Desai from Gujarat. Riding on the wave of a campaign to eradicate poverty, Mrs Gandhi swept back to power in 1971 Lok Sabha elections winning 352 out of 518 seats in the Lok Sabha, the popularly elected chamber of the India Parliament.

In the Gujarat State Elections too Mrs Gandhi replicated the strong performance, winning 140 out of 182 seats and capturing a gigantic voteshare of over 50%.

The Activist

Narendra Modi – a Pracharak

However the euphoria of the Congress and Mrs. Gandhi faded as quickly as it was created. The dreams of quick reform and progress had given way to disillusionment amongst the common man in Gujarat. The struggles and sacrifices of political stalwarts such as Indulal Yagnik, Jivraj Mehta and Balwant Rai Mehta had been undone by the politics of greed.

By the end of the 1960s and early 1970s, corruption and misgovernance of the Congress government in Gujarat had reached new heights. The grand promise of ‘Garibi Hatao’ turned out to be an empty one as it gradually changed into ‘Garib Hatao’. The condition of the poor worsened, and in Gujarat the misery was compounded with a severe famine and steep price rise. Endless queues for basic commodities had become a common sight in the state. There was no respite for the common man.

Navnirman Movement: Youth Power

People’s discontent converted into public expressions of anger when in December 1973, a few students of an Engineering College in Morbi (Gujarat) protested against the exorbitant rise in their food bills. Similar protests began to take place across the state of Gujarat. These protests soon gained widespread support and ignited a state wide mass movement against the government, known as the Navnirman Movement.

Narendra Modi was drawn to the mass movement that attracted all sections of society. The movement further strengthened when it gained the support of Jayaprakash Narayan, a well-respected public figure and a known crusader against corruption. When Jayaprakash Narayan came to Ahmedabad, Narendra had the unique opportunity to meet the JP himself. The several talks held by the veteran and other leaders left a strong impression on young Narendra.

The Activist

The historic Navnirman Movement

Eventually student power won and the incumbent Congress Chief Minister had to resign. The joy however was short-lived. The dark clouds of authoritarianism struck on the midnight of 25th June 1975 when Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi declared a state of Emergency.

The Dark Days of the Emergency

Mrs Gandhi feared she would lose her top post in the wake of an adverse court judgment that nullified the elections, and thought the Emergency was the best step at that point. Democracy was under siege, freedom of speech curtailed and the leading lights of the opposition Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Shri LK Advani, Shri George Fernandes to Shri Morarji Desai were arrested.

The Activist

Narendra Modi during Emergency

Narendra Modi was at the core of the anti-Emergency movement. He was a part of the Gujarat Lok Sangharsh Samiti (GLSS) that was formed to resist tyranny. He rose to become the General Secretary of GLSS, where his primary role was to coordinate between the activists across the state. This was tough considering the strict surveillance anti-Congress leaders and activists were subjected to.

There are several stories about Narendra Modi’s work during the Emergency. One of them was how he rode a scooter and took a wanted senior RSS figure to a safe house. Similarly, it emerged that one of the leaders who was arrested was carrying his papers with him at the time of the arrest. The papers had to be retrieved at any cost. It fell on Narendra Modi to ensure that the paper was duly retrieved from the police station where the leader was being held and that too in front of police force! When Nanaji Deshmukh was arrested, he had with him a book containing the addresses of sympathizers. Narendra Modi ensured that each and everyone was removed to safer locations so that nobody was arrested.

Among Narendra Modi’s other responsibilities were to make travel arrangements for anti-Emergency activists to and from Gujarat. Sometimes his work meant that he had to move in disguise so that he was not recognized - he would be a Sikh gentleman one day and an elderly man with a beard the next.

The Activist

One of Narendra Modi’s most cherished experiences of the Emergency days was that he got to work with leaders and activists from different parties. Narendra Modi wrote on his blog on June 2013:


For youngsters like me, the Emergency gave a wonderful opportunity to work with a wide spectrum of leaders and organisations that were fighting for the same goal. It enabled us to work beyond institutions we had been brought up with. From stalwarts of our family, Atal ji, Advani ji, late Shri Dattopant Thengadi, Late Shri Nanaji Deshmukh to socialists like Shri George Fernandes to Congressmen like Shri Ravindra Varma, who worked closely with Morarjibhai Desai and were unhappy with the Emergency, we got inspired by leaders who belonged to different schools of thought. I was fortunate to have learnt a lot from people such as former Vice Chancellor of Gujarat Vidyapeeth Shri Dhirubhai Desai, the humanist Shri CT Daru and former Chief Ministers of Gujarat Shri Babubhai Jashbhai Patel and Shri Chimanbhai Patel and prominent Muslim leader late Shri Habib-ur-Rehman. The struggle and determination of Late Shri Morarjibhai Desai, who steadfastly resisted the authoritarianism of the Congress and even left the party, comes to the mind.


It was as if a vibrant confluence of thoughts and ideologies had taken place for a larger good. Rising over differences of caste, creed, community or religion we were working with our common objective- to uphold the democratic ethos of the country. In December 1975, we worked for a very important meeting of all Opposition MPs in Gandhinagar. This meeting was also attended by Independent MPs late Shri Purushottam Mavalankar, Shri Umashankar Joshi and Shri Krishan Kant.


Outside the realm of politics Narendra Modi got an opportunity to work with social organisations and several Gandhians. He vividly recalls meeting both George Fernandes (whom he refers to as ‘George Sahab’) and Nanaji Deshmukh. During those dark days he also kept writing about his experiences, which later took the shape of a book ‘Aapatkal Me Gujarat’ (Gujarat During the Emergency).

Beyond the Emergency

Like the Navnirman Movement, the Emergency was followed by a victory of the people. In the Parliamentary Elections of 1977 Mrs Indira Gandhi was routed. The people voted for change and in the new Janata Party Government, Jana Sangh leaders like Atal ji and Advani ji became important Cabinet Ministers.

Around the same time, Narendra Modi was made the ‘Sambhaag Pracharak’ (equivalent of a regional organiser) as an appreciation of his activism and organisational work during the preceding years. He was given charge of South and Central Gujarat. At the same time he was called to Delhi and asked to chronicle the official RSS account of the Emergency Period. It meant more work and balancing both regional and national duties, which Narendra Modi did with ease and efficiency.

The Activist

Narendra Modi in a village of Gujarat

His travels across Gujarat continued and increased through the early 1980s. This gave him the opportunity to visit every Taluka and almost every village in the state. This experience came very handy for him both as an organiser and as the Chief Minister. It gave him a first hand view of the problems people face and increased his resolve to work harder to solve them. When droughts, floods or riots struck he would lead the relief efforts too.

Narendra Modi was happily immersed in his work but the elders in the RSS and the newly formed BJP felt otherwise, they wanted him to take on more responsibility and in 1987 another chapter began in Narendra Modi’s life. From then on, he was as much on the streets as he would be formulating party strategies. He would have to work with Party leaders and sit with Karyakartas.

The boy from Vadnagar who left his home to serve the nation was about to take another giant step, but for him it was merely a continuation of his journey to bring smiles on the faces of his countrymen and women. After a Yatra to Kailash Mansarovar, Narendra Modi got down to work as the General Secretary in the Gujarat BJP.

 

Disclaimer:

It is part of an endeavour to collect stories which narrate or recount people’s anecdotes/opinion/analysis on Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi & his impact on lives of people.

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Narendra Modi is a leader beyond ceremony
February 28, 2026

Force of habit, maybe. Or just the low-grade anxiety that comes with handing something to the prime minister of 1.4 billion people and hoping it works. I scribbled a quick line on the corner of my notepad, confirmed the ink was flowing, and handed it over.

He took it without looking at the pen. He was looking at me.

That was the first thing I noticed about Narendra Modi up close. The eye contact. Steady, unhurried, the kind that makes you feel like the meeting isn’t scheduled. He greeted me standing, which I hadn’t expected, and when he shook my hand, the grip was firm, and it lasted a beat longer than these things usually do. Just deliberate. Like he wanted you to know he meant it.

He apologized for the wait. The Israeli security detail outside his King David suite had put me through more checks than I care to describe. At one point, I was fairly certain I was going to be turned away despite holding a personal invitation from the man himself, which would have made for an interesting column but a frustrating afternoon.

Modi had heard about the delay and said sorry before anything else. I told him it was the Israeli side causing the trouble, not his team. He smiled. The room loosened slightly.

Then he picked up the special front page we had published for his visit, looked at it for a moment, and wrote in Hindi, standing, without sitting down or making any ceremony out of it. Two lines: “Humanity will remain supreme. Democracy will remain eternal.”

He signed his name and dated it February 26, 2026. The whole thing took maybe 45 seconds. He handed the page back with both hands.

I’ve interviewed a lot of people while in this job. Politicians, presidents, religious leaders, celebrities. There is a type of public figure who has spent so many years being watched that everything they do has become a kind of performance. The handshake, the pause, the practiced sincerity. Modi wasn’t that. Whatever he was doing in that suite, he was just there, fully, in a way that is rarer than it sounds.

Through a translator, you could still hear the rhythm of how he thinks. Complete thoughts. Real pauses, not to buy time, but because he’s actually considering what you said.

At one point, I told him his Knesset speech – delivered the day before, the first ever by an Indian prime minister to Israel’s parliament – felt historic. He received it simply, without deflecting or inflating it, and then said something that stayed with me: “Our nations and religions are a lot more similar than what people think.”

He had spent the previous day making exactly that case. Not as a diplomatic courtesy. As a philosophical argument.

Most leaders who come to Jerusalem talk about security, trade, and technology. Modi did that, too, and then he went somewhere else entirely. He gave what I can only describe as a civilizational speech, one that asked a genuinely interesting question: What happens when two of the world’s oldest living cultures finally look at each other carefully and recognize something familiar?

Tikkun Olam and Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam

HIS ANSWER was built on a comparison that sounds simple until you think about it. He placed Tikkun Olam (the Jewish concept of repairing and healing the world) next to Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the ancient Sanskrit declaration that the world is one family). He compared Halacha (Jewish law as the living framework for daily ethical conduct) to dharma (the Hindu concept of moral order and personal duty).

What he was pointing at is that both civilizations solved the same problem in remarkably similar ways. How do you build a society where ethics isn’t a sermon delivered on a holy day but a practice embedded in the texture of ordinary life? Both Judaism and Hinduism answered: Through law, through duty, through the 10,000 small decisions that make up a day.

This is not a coincidence that gets discovered at diplomatic summits. It is a structural similarity, centuries deep.

For a reader of hassidic thought, this lands with particular force. Hassidism (Hassidut, or hassidic teaching and philosophy) calls this avodah (literally “work,” meaning inner spiritual intention expressed through practical deeds).

The Baal Shem Tov, the 18th-century founder of Hassidut, taught that the divine is found not in retreat from the world but in full engagement with it, in the marketplace, at the table, in the way you treat the person standing in front of you. Modi, without using that language, was honoring exactly that tradition and pointing out that India built its civilization on the same foundation.

He connected Hanukkah and Diwali (the Hindu festival of lights, celebrating the victory of light over darkness), and the pairing is more than poetic.

Both festivals reject the passive response to darkness. In the Hanukkah story, the rabbis made a specific decision: The mitzvah (religious commandment) is not to light a large fire but to add one small candle each night, incrementally, publicly, stubbornly. That is a philosophy of historical action. Darkness is not defeated all at once. It is pushed back by accumulated small acts of light.

Diwali carries the same logic, rows of diyas (small clay oil lamps) lit across millions of homes, each one a separate act that adds to a larger illumination.

He paired Purim with Holi (the Hindu spring festival, marking the triumph of good over evil), and here, too, the intellectual connection runs even deeper. Both holidays are built on the experience of hiddenness suddenly reversed.

In the Purim story, God’s name never appears in the Book of Esther. The miracle is concealed inside what looks like ordinary palace politics and human decision-making. Hassidic thought reads this as the deepest kind of truth: that providence (hashgacha pratit, divine guidance in the details of individual lives) often looks, from the outside, like coincidence or history. You only see the pattern when you’re willing to look for it.

Modi’s insistence on ancient connections between India and Israel, on trade routes and shared texts, and a Persian queen named Esther, whose Hebrew name connects to the Hebrew word for “hidden,” carries the same idea. Some relationships are written into history long before the diplomats arrive to formalize them.

HE SPOKE about terrorism plainly, without softening the language. He linked the October 7 massacre to the Mumbai attacks, India’s own wound, still felt. He said no cause justifies the murder of civilians. He said terrorism anywhere threatens peace everywhere. He said it the way people say things they’ve believed for a long time and have stopped needing to rehearse.

Then he did something that moved the room more than any of the formal declarations. He singled out the Indian workers and caregivers who were in Israel on October 7, 2023. People who stayed. Who helped. Who didn’t run. He quoted the Talmud: Whoever saves one life saves an entire world.

In hassidic terms, this was the speech’s most important moment. Hassidut puts enormous weight on the deed that looks small but carries cosmic significance, the nitzotz (spark of holiness) hidden inside the ordinary act, waiting to be elevated by the person who chooses to do it anyway.

He took foreign workers in a war zone and made them the moral center of the relationship between two nations. That is not rhetoric. That is a worldview that knows where to look for what matters.

He also said something that Israel’s friends don’t always say out loud. Jewish communities lived in India for centuries, he told the Knesset, without persecution, without fear, without having to hide who they were. They preserved their faith and participated fully in society. He called it a source of pride for India.

He was right to call it that, and he was right to say it in Jerusalem in 2026, when the question of where in the world Jewish life can be lived openly has rarely felt more urgent.

Back in the suite, the conversation was warm. He has the quality of making a scheduled meeting feel like an actual conversation. When I told him the Knesset speech felt historic, he returned to the same idea he’d opened with: that the two civilizations are more similar than most people realize. He said it like someone reporting back from a conclusion he’d reached a long time ago and finally found the right room to say it in.

Our Wednesday cover had already been moving fast across social media before I walked into that suite. Modi reposted it to his enormous following on X/Twitter. Indian media picked it up. A front page can travel like that now, faster than anything you write underneath it.

The two handwritten lines are something else. They sit on paper, in a hotel room in Jerusalem, written standing up by a man who didn’t need to write anything and chose to write that. Humanity first. Democracy is permanent. One Hanukkah candle, one diya, same dark night, same instinct to keep adding light to it one careful flame at a time.

I tested the pen before I gave it to him.

Turns out he didn’t need my help.

(Mr. Zvika Klein is the Jerusalem Post Editor-in-Chief. The views expressed are personal.)

Source: The Jerusalem Post