The initial euphoria and optimism surrounding the formation of Gujarat on May 1st 1960 had subsided by the end of the decade. The dreams of quick reform and progress had given way to disillusionment amongst the common man in Gujarat. The struggles and sacrifices of political stalwarts such as Indulal Yagnik, Jivraj Mehta and Balwant Rai Mehta had been undone by the greed for money and power in politics. By the end of 1960s and early 1970s, corruption and misgovernance of the Congress government in Gujarat had reached new heights. In 1971, India had defeated Pakistan in war and the Congress government got reelected on the promise of uplifting the poor. This promise turned out to be an empty one as ‘Garibi Hatao’ gradually changed into ‘Garib Hatao’. The life of the poor worsened, and in Gujarat this misery got coupled with a severe famine and steep price rise. Endless queues for basic commodities had become a common sight in the state. There was no respite for the common man.

Instead of taking remedial action, the Congress leadership in Gujarat was immersed in deep factional quarrels and displayed a complete apathy towards the situation. As a result, Ghanshyam Oza’s government soon toppled and was replaced by Chimanbhai Patel at the helm of affairs. However, this government too proved to be equally inefficient and there was a rising discontent against the state amongst the people of Gujarat.  The discontent turned into public anger when in December 1973, a few students of the Morbi Engineering College protested against the exorbitant rise in their food bills. These protests soon gained widespread support and ignited a state wide mass movement against the government. The state and central governments failed to quell this discontent despite all their efforts. Matters became worse when then Education Minister of Gujarat accused the Jan Sangh for the movement even though it was a broad based movement against corruption and rising prices. By 1973, Narendra Modi had displayed a keen interest in social activism and had already participated in several movements against price rise, inflation and other issues affecting the common man. As a young Pracharak and associate of Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), Narendra joined the Navnirman movement and dutifully performed the tasks assigned to him. The Navnirman movement was a mass movement in every sense as ordinary citizens from all sections of the society stood up in one voice. The movement was further strengthened when it gained the support of Jayaprakash Narayan, a well-respected public figure and a known crusader against corruption. With Jayaprakash Narayan in Ahmedabad, Narendra had the unique opportunity to closely interact with the charismatic leader. The several talks held with the veteran left a strong impression on a young Narendra. The Navnirman Movement was a major success and Chimanbhai Patel had to resign after a mere six months in office. Fresh elections were called and the Congress government was duly dislodged. Ironically, the results of the Gujarat elections came on 12th June 1975, the very day when the Allahabad High Court had found Prime Minister Indira Gandhi guilty of electoral corruption and put a question mark on her future as Prime Minister. A week later a new government under the leadership of Babubhai Jashbhai Patel was instated in Gujarat. The Navnirman Movement was Narendra’s first encounter with mass protest and led to a significant broadening of his worldview on social issues. It also propelled Narendra to the first post of his political career, General Secretary of the Lok Sangharsh Samiti in Gujarat in 1975. During the movement, he particularly got the opportunity to understand student issues from close quarters, which proved to be a major asset once he became Chief Minister.  Since 2001, he has focused significantly on educational reforms and made world-class education accessible to the youth of Gujarat. The optimism post the Navnirman Movement in Gujarat was short-lived. On the midnight of June 25th 1975, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi clamped a state of Emergency in India suspending civil liberties and curbing freedom of expression. One of the most important phases of Narendra Modi’s life had begun.

 

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Narendra Modi is a leader beyond ceremony
February 28, 2026

Force of habit, maybe. Or just the low-grade anxiety that comes with handing something to the prime minister of 1.4 billion people and hoping it works. I scribbled a quick line on the corner of my notepad, confirmed the ink was flowing, and handed it over.

He took it without looking at the pen. He was looking at me.

That was the first thing I noticed about Narendra Modi up close. The eye contact. Steady, unhurried, the kind that makes you feel like the meeting isn’t scheduled. He greeted me standing, which I hadn’t expected, and when he shook my hand, the grip was firm, and it lasted a beat longer than these things usually do. Just deliberate. Like he wanted you to know he meant it.

He apologized for the wait. The Israeli security detail outside his King David suite had put me through more checks than I care to describe. At one point, I was fairly certain I was going to be turned away despite holding a personal invitation from the man himself, which would have made for an interesting column but a frustrating afternoon.

Modi had heard about the delay and said sorry before anything else. I told him it was the Israeli side causing the trouble, not his team. He smiled. The room loosened slightly.

Then he picked up the special front page we had published for his visit, looked at it for a moment, and wrote in Hindi, standing, without sitting down or making any ceremony out of it. Two lines: “Humanity will remain supreme. Democracy will remain eternal.”

He signed his name and dated it February 26, 2026. The whole thing took maybe 45 seconds. He handed the page back with both hands.

I’ve interviewed a lot of people while in this job. Politicians, presidents, religious leaders, celebrities. There is a type of public figure who has spent so many years being watched that everything they do has become a kind of performance. The handshake, the pause, the practiced sincerity. Modi wasn’t that. Whatever he was doing in that suite, he was just there, fully, in a way that is rarer than it sounds.

Through a translator, you could still hear the rhythm of how he thinks. Complete thoughts. Real pauses, not to buy time, but because he’s actually considering what you said.

At one point, I told him his Knesset speech – delivered the day before, the first ever by an Indian prime minister to Israel’s parliament – felt historic. He received it simply, without deflecting or inflating it, and then said something that stayed with me: “Our nations and religions are a lot more similar than what people think.”

He had spent the previous day making exactly that case. Not as a diplomatic courtesy. As a philosophical argument.

Most leaders who come to Jerusalem talk about security, trade, and technology. Modi did that, too, and then he went somewhere else entirely. He gave what I can only describe as a civilizational speech, one that asked a genuinely interesting question: What happens when two of the world’s oldest living cultures finally look at each other carefully and recognize something familiar?

Tikkun Olam and Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam

HIS ANSWER was built on a comparison that sounds simple until you think about it. He placed Tikkun Olam (the Jewish concept of repairing and healing the world) next to Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the ancient Sanskrit declaration that the world is one family). He compared Halacha (Jewish law as the living framework for daily ethical conduct) to dharma (the Hindu concept of moral order and personal duty).

What he was pointing at is that both civilizations solved the same problem in remarkably similar ways. How do you build a society where ethics isn’t a sermon delivered on a holy day but a practice embedded in the texture of ordinary life? Both Judaism and Hinduism answered: Through law, through duty, through the 10,000 small decisions that make up a day.

This is not a coincidence that gets discovered at diplomatic summits. It is a structural similarity, centuries deep.

For a reader of hassidic thought, this lands with particular force. Hassidism (Hassidut, or hassidic teaching and philosophy) calls this avodah (literally “work,” meaning inner spiritual intention expressed through practical deeds).

The Baal Shem Tov, the 18th-century founder of Hassidut, taught that the divine is found not in retreat from the world but in full engagement with it, in the marketplace, at the table, in the way you treat the person standing in front of you. Modi, without using that language, was honoring exactly that tradition and pointing out that India built its civilization on the same foundation.

He connected Hanukkah and Diwali (the Hindu festival of lights, celebrating the victory of light over darkness), and the pairing is more than poetic.

Both festivals reject the passive response to darkness. In the Hanukkah story, the rabbis made a specific decision: The mitzvah (religious commandment) is not to light a large fire but to add one small candle each night, incrementally, publicly, stubbornly. That is a philosophy of historical action. Darkness is not defeated all at once. It is pushed back by accumulated small acts of light.

Diwali carries the same logic, rows of diyas (small clay oil lamps) lit across millions of homes, each one a separate act that adds to a larger illumination.

He paired Purim with Holi (the Hindu spring festival, marking the triumph of good over evil), and here, too, the intellectual connection runs even deeper. Both holidays are built on the experience of hiddenness suddenly reversed.

In the Purim story, God’s name never appears in the Book of Esther. The miracle is concealed inside what looks like ordinary palace politics and human decision-making. Hassidic thought reads this as the deepest kind of truth: that providence (hashgacha pratit, divine guidance in the details of individual lives) often looks, from the outside, like coincidence or history. You only see the pattern when you’re willing to look for it.

Modi’s insistence on ancient connections between India and Israel, on trade routes and shared texts, and a Persian queen named Esther, whose Hebrew name connects to the Hebrew word for “hidden,” carries the same idea. Some relationships are written into history long before the diplomats arrive to formalize them.

HE SPOKE about terrorism plainly, without softening the language. He linked the October 7 massacre to the Mumbai attacks, India’s own wound, still felt. He said no cause justifies the murder of civilians. He said terrorism anywhere threatens peace everywhere. He said it the way people say things they’ve believed for a long time and have stopped needing to rehearse.

Then he did something that moved the room more than any of the formal declarations. He singled out the Indian workers and caregivers who were in Israel on October 7, 2023. People who stayed. Who helped. Who didn’t run. He quoted the Talmud: Whoever saves one life saves an entire world.

In hassidic terms, this was the speech’s most important moment. Hassidut puts enormous weight on the deed that looks small but carries cosmic significance, the nitzotz (spark of holiness) hidden inside the ordinary act, waiting to be elevated by the person who chooses to do it anyway.

He took foreign workers in a war zone and made them the moral center of the relationship between two nations. That is not rhetoric. That is a worldview that knows where to look for what matters.

He also said something that Israel’s friends don’t always say out loud. Jewish communities lived in India for centuries, he told the Knesset, without persecution, without fear, without having to hide who they were. They preserved their faith and participated fully in society. He called it a source of pride for India.

He was right to call it that, and he was right to say it in Jerusalem in 2026, when the question of where in the world Jewish life can be lived openly has rarely felt more urgent.

Back in the suite, the conversation was warm. He has the quality of making a scheduled meeting feel like an actual conversation. When I told him the Knesset speech felt historic, he returned to the same idea he’d opened with: that the two civilizations are more similar than most people realize. He said it like someone reporting back from a conclusion he’d reached a long time ago and finally found the right room to say it in.

Our Wednesday cover had already been moving fast across social media before I walked into that suite. Modi reposted it to his enormous following on X/Twitter. Indian media picked it up. A front page can travel like that now, faster than anything you write underneath it.

The two handwritten lines are something else. They sit on paper, in a hotel room in Jerusalem, written standing up by a man who didn’t need to write anything and chose to write that. Humanity first. Democracy is permanent. One Hanukkah candle, one diya, same dark night, same instinct to keep adding light to it one careful flame at a time.

I tested the pen before I gave it to him.

Turns out he didn’t need my help.

(Mr. Zvika Klein is the Jerusalem Post Editor-in-Chief. The views expressed are personal.)

Source: The Jerusalem Post